robably speaks in its favor only to blind the eyes of
the people to the frauds he has attempted upon its true meaning.]

[Footnote 109: It will be noticed that Coke calls these confirmations of
the charter "acts of parliament," instead of acts of the king alone.
This needs explanation.

It was one of Coke's ridiculous pretences, that laws anciently enacted
by the king, at the request, or with the consent, or by the advice, of
his parliament, was "an act of parliament," instead of the act of the
king. And in the extracts cited, he carries this idea so far as to
pretend that the various confirmations of the Great Charter were "acts
of parliament," instead of the acts of the kings. He might as well have
pretended that the original grant of the Charter was an "act of
parliament;" because it was not only granted at the request, and with
the consent, and by the advice, but on the compulsion even, of those who
commonly constituted his parliaments. Yet this did not make the grant of
the charter "an act of parliament." It was simply an act of the king.

The object of Coke, in this pretence, was to furnish some color for the
palpable falsehood that the legislative authority, which parliament was
trying to assume in his own day, and which it finally succeeded in
obtaining, had a precedent in the ancient constitution of the kingdom.

There would be as much reason in saying that, because the ancient kings
were in the habit of passing laws in special answer to the _petitions_
of their subjects, therefore those _petitioners_ were a part of the
legislative power of the kingdom.

One great objection to this argument of Coke, for the legislative
authority of the ancient parliaments, is that a very large--probably
much the larger--number of legislative acts were done _without_ the
advice, consent, request, or even presence, of a parliament. Not only
were many formal statutes passed without any mention of the consent or
advice of parliament, but a simple order of the king in council, or a
simple proclamation, writ, or letter under seal, issued by his command,
had the same force as what Coke calls "an act of parliament." And this
practice continued, to a considerable extent at least, down to Coke's
own time.

The kings were always in the habit of consulting their parliaments, more
or less, in regard to matters of legislation,--not because their consent
was constitutionally necessary, but in order to make influence in favor
of their la