by the writings of H.D. Lloyd, more
particularly, "The Story of a Great Monopoly" (in _Atlantic Monthly_,
March, 1881), and _Wealth against Commonwealth_ (1894). The philosophy
of Henry George is best stated in his _Progress and Poverty_ (1879), and
is presented biographically by H. George, Jr., in his _Life of Henry
George_ (1900). The most popular romance of the decade is based upon an
economic hypothesis: E. Bellamy, _Looking Backward_ (1887). J.W. Jenks,
_The Trust Problem_ (1900, etc.), has become a classic sketch of the
economics of industrial concentration. The histories of the Standard Oil
Company, by I.M. Tarbell (2 vols., 1904) and G.H. Montague (1903), are
based largely upon judicial and congressional investigations. The
Sherman Law is discussed in the writings and biographies of Sherman,
Hoar, and Edmunds, and in A. H. Walker, _History of the Sherman Law_
(1910). For the election of 1888, consult Stanwood, Andrews, Peck, the
_Annual Cyclopaedia_, the tariff histories, and D.R. Dewey, _National
Problems, 1885-1897_ (in _The American Nation_, vol. 24, 1907).

CHAPTER XI

THE FARMERS' CAUSE

The Republican protective policy had its strongest supporters among the
industrial communities of the East where the profits of manufacture were
distributed. In the West, where the agricultural staples had produced a
simplicity of interests somewhat resembling those of the Old South in
its cotton crop, the advantage of protection was questioned even in
Republican communities. The Granger States and the Prairie States were
normally Republican, but they had experienced falling prices for their
corn and wheat, as the South had for its cotton, in the eighties, and
had listened encouragingly to the advocates of tariff reform.
Cleveland's Message of 1887 had affected them strongly. Through 1888 and
1889 country papers shifted to the support of revision, while farmers'
clubs and agricultural journals began to denounce protection. The
Republican leaders felt the discontent, and brought forward the
agricultural schedules of the McKinley Bill to appease it, but
dissatisfaction increased in 1889 and 1890 through most of the farming
sections.

The farmer in the South was directly affected by the falling price of
cotton, and retained his hereditary aversion to the protective tariff.
He could not believe that either party was working in his interests. The
dominant issues of the eighties did not touch his problems. He was not