t to the river to drink. In any scheme of political economy
Aristotle's words, in the first book of the "Politics," were the
keynote: "The science of the master reduces itself to knowing how to
make use of the slave. He is the master, not because he is the owner of
the man, but because he knows how to make use of his property."

In fact, according to this chivalrous philosopher, the man was the head
of the family in three distinct capacities; for he says: "Now a freeman
governs his slave in the manner the male governs the female, and in
another manner the father governs his child; and these have the
different parts of the soul within them, but in a different manner. Thus
a slave can have no deliberative faculty; a woman but a weak one, a
child an imperfect one."

That liberty could be their right appears to have been not even
suspected. Yet out from these dumb masses of humanity, regarded less
than brutes, toiling naked under summer sun or in winter cold, chained
in mines, men and women alike, and when the whim came, massacred in
troops, sounded at intervals a voice demanding the liberty denied. It
was quickly stifled. The record is there for all to read; stifled again
and again, from Drimakos the Chian slave to Spartacus at Rome, yet each
protest from this unknown army of martyrs was one step onward toward the
emancipation to come. In each revolution, however small, two parties
confronted each other,--the people who wished to live by the labor of
others, the people who wished to live by their own labor,--the former
denying in word and deed the claim of the latter.

Such conditions, as we proved in our own experience of slavery, benumb
spiritual perception and make clear vision impossible; and it is plain
that if the mass of workers had neither political nor social place,
woman, the slave of the slave, had even less. Her wage had never been
fixed. That she had right to one had entered no imagination. To the end
of Greek civilization a wage remained the right of free labor only. The
slave, save by special permit of the master, had right only to bare
subsistence; and though men and women toiled side by side, in mine or
field or quarry, there was, even with the abolition of slavery, small
betterment of the condition of women. The degradation of labor was so
complete, even for the freeman, that the most pronounced aversion to
taking a wage ruled among the entire educated class. Plato abhorred a
sophist who would work for