r from any
proposal I shall ever be responsible for submitting to the Parliament of
this realm." (My italics.)[23]

Mr. Lloyd George is well justified, then, in ridiculing the idea that he
is waging war against industry or property or trying to destroy riches.
He not only disproves this accusation by pointing to the capitalist
character of his collectivist program, but boasts that the richest men
in the House of Commons are on the Liberal side, together with hundreds
of thousands of the men who are building up trade and business.

And the attitude of the Radicals of the present British government is
the same as that of capitalist collectivists elsewhere. However certain
vested interests may suffer, there is nowhere any tendency to weaken
capitalism as a whole. Capitalism is to be the chief beneficiary of the
new movement.

There are many differences of opinion, however, as to the _ultimate_
effect of the collectivist program. In Great Britain, which gives us our
best illustration, there are Liberals who claim that it is Socialistic
and others who deny that it has anything to do with Socialism;
Conservatives who accept part of the program, and others who reject the
whole as being Socialistic; Socialists, who claim that their ideas have
been incorporated in the last two Budgets, and other Socialists who deny
that either had anything in common with their principles.

While it is certain that the present policy of the British government is
by no means directed against the power or interests of the capitalist
class as a whole, and in no way resembles that of the Socialists, were
not Socialist arguments used to support the government's position, and
may not these lead towards a Socialist policy?

Certainly some of the principles laid down seem at first sight to have
been Socialistic enough. For example, when Mr. Churchill said that
incomes from dividends, rent, and interest are unearned, or when Mr.
Lloyd George cried out: "Who is responsible for the scheme of things
whereby one man is engaged through life in grinding labor to win a bare
and precarious subsistence for himself, and when, at the end of his
days, he claims at the hands of the community he served, a poor pension
of eight pence a day, he can only get it through a revolution, and
another man who does not toil receives every hour of the day, every
hour of the night, whilst he slumbers, more than his poor neighbor
receives in a whole year of toil? Where did the