lls of a reasonable and
connected character to ensure workmen against unemployment and to set up
a system of old age pensions. He did not enter Parliament for his own
glorification. He had nothing to gain, but much to lose, by devoting
himself to the business of Westminster. But he believed that he could
benefit the State as a legislator, and he entered Parliament with the
definite intention of introducing order into what was self-evidently a
condition of dangerous chaos. He had a remedy for slums, a remedy for
unemployment, a remedy for the poverty of the workman in old age, and a
remedy for the educational deadlock. Further, he cherished the hope that
he might do something towards developing the wealth and power of the
British Empire, without impairing the spirit of individualism which, in
his faith, is the driving power of British fortune.

How many men who entered the House of Commons with no ideas at all have
been taken to the friendly bosom of that assembly? Moreover, can the
reader name with confidence one Cabinet Minister in the past twenty
years who can fairly be compared in creative genius with this remarkable
man to whom the House of Commons refused the least of its rewards?

I saw Lord Leverhulme on several occasions at the end of the war. He
spoke to me with great freedom of his ideas in the hope that I might
carry them with effect to the Prime Minister. He proved to me that it
was the nonsense of a schoolboy to talk of making Germany pay for the
war, and suggested that the Prime Minister's main appeal to the nation
at the General Election of 1918 should be a moral appeal for unity in
the industrial world. He had one master word for that great moment in
our history. It was the word "Production."

I found this word unpopular in Downing Street. Mr. Lloyd George was more
mindful of Lord Northcliffe than of one "who cannot work with other
men." And so the word went forth to the British peoples: Germany must
pay for the war and the Kaiser must be tried. At the eleventh hour
before the election there was no equivocation. Germany _should_ pay for
the war. The Kaiser _should_ be tried. Instead of a great moral appeal,
which might have prevented all the disastrous conflicts in industry, and
might have preserved the spirit of loyalty which had united the people
during the war, the Prime Minister put himself at the head of a
disreputable mob calling for revenge.

"One disadvantage of the democratic system," says Mr