"It is awkward, indeed," said Mr. North, "especially if they simply
withdraw and hold the fortifications of the general government, in their
own territory, to keep the government from destroying their lives."
"Why, yes," said Mrs. North, "it would be simple in them, after
seceding, to suffer themselves to be bombarded. But have they any right
to secede?"
"As to that," said Mr. North, "my mind has been much exercised of late
with this thought: I have always advocated the right of the negroes to
make insurrection, or to flee from oppression. But now their masters
complain of being oppressed by the North. Why have not the masters the
same right to secede from their government as the negro from his?"
"Well, husband," said his wife, "I think that you are getting on fast."
"Why," said I, "Mr. North, is not slavery 'the sum of all villanies?'
Did the negro ever consent to his form of government?"
"Well," said he, "I never consented to be born; I find myself in
existence; I have no more consented to the government of the United
States than I suppose the negroes, generally, have submitted to their
civil condition. My question is, Who shall decide when the Southern
masters say, We are intolerably oppressed; we are under a yoke; 'break
every yoke!' 'let the oppressed go free!' If I interpose and say, 'You
are not oppressed; you are better off as you now are,' is not this the
reply of the masters when we seek to free their slaves? Do we not say
that the oppressed must be the judges of their necessity? And why may I
coerce the master, if it be wrong for him to coerce the negro?"
"I must let you, work out that question at your leisure, and on your own
principles," said I.--"We were speaking of seizing and holding the forts
and arsenals. The French proverb says, 'It is the first step that
costs.' Seceding involves the necessity of seizing the forts. If they
who do this embarrass other persons in their lawful rights, they must
risk the consequences; but if they secede from the government, the
question is, Do circumstances justify a revolution? for secession is
revolution. Is revolution justifiable in the present case?
"But not to discuss that question," said I, "all that I wished to say
was this, that our government seems admirably suited for a people who
will behave well under it. We can take care of isolated cases of
rebellion. But if any important part of the country rises up and
departs, it is exceedingly difficult
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