the sugar trust was
demanding. Everybody knew that the trust had built its tremendous
industrial power upon such criminally high protection as this
differential afforded, and that its power now affected public councils,
obtained improper favors, and terrorized the small competing beet
sugar companies of the West. I argued that it was time to rally for the
protection of the people as well as of the beet sugar industry.

He predicted that if the differential was reduced the protection on beet
sugar would fail. I laughed at him. "You don't know the temper of
the Senate," I said. "Why, even some of the Democrats are in favor
of protecting the beet sugar industry. That part of the bill is safe,
whatever happens to the rest."

"Senator Cannon," he replied, with all the scorn of superior knowledge,
"you're somewhat new to this matter. Permit me to inform you that if
we don't do our part in supporting the sugar schedule, including the
differential, the friends of the schedule in the Senate will prevent us
from obtaining our protection."

"That," I retorted angrily, "is equivalent to saying that the sugar
trust is writing the sugar schedule. I can't listen with patience to any
such insult. The Senate of the United States cannot be dictated to, in
a matter of such importance, by the trust. I will not vote for the
differential. I will continue to oppose it to the end. If you're
right--if the trust has such power--better that our struggling sugar
industry should perish, so that we may arouse the people to the
iniquitous manipulation that destroyed it."

I continued to oppose the schedule. Soon after, I received a message
from the Church authorities asking me to go to New York to attend to
some of their financial affairs. I entered the lobby of the Plaza Hotel
on Fifth Avenue about nine o'clock at night; I was met, unexpectedly, by
Thomas R. Cutler, manager of the Utah Sugar Company, who was a Bishop of
the Mormon Church; and he asked, almost at once, how the tariff bill was
progressing at Washington.

I had known Bishop Cutler for years. I knew that he had labored with
extraordinary zeal and intelligence to establish the sugar industry in
Utah. I understood that he had risked his own property, unselfishly,
to save the enterprise when it was in peril. And I had every reason to
expect that he would be as indignant as I was, at the proposal to use
the support of the beet sugar states in behalf of their old tyrant.

I told him