ter of
political economy is it laid down, that the distribution and enjoyment
of wealth is a matter of less moment than its production and
accumulation? The simple truth is, that the same law of liberty, which
is so favourable to the accumulation of wealth, provides also the best
distribution which human ingenuity has yet been able to devise. Less has
been said on this head because there was less to say. But surely no sane
individual ever wished that property should accumulate merely for the
sake of accumulation, that society should have the temper of a miser,
and toil merely to increase its hoards. Still less has any one
manifested a disposition to confine the enjoyment of wealth to any one
class, treating the labourer and the artisan as mere tools and
instruments for the production of it. The fundamental principles of
political economy to which we have been alluding, and with which alone
we are here concerned, will be always found to embrace the interests of
the _whole_ community. They should be defended with the same jealousy
that we defend our political liberties with.

It was with regret we heard the argument we have just stated against the
legislative interference with the rate of wages, introduced in the
discussion of the _ten-hours' bill_, and applied against the principle
of that measure. It was plainly misapplied. Why do we not relish any
legislative interposition, on whatever plea of humanity, between workmen
and capitalist? Because it will fail of its humane intention. We should
heartily rejoice--who would not?--if a reasonable _minimum_ of wages
could be established and secured. But it cannot. Is the legislature
equally incompetent when it steps in to prevent children and very young
persons from being overworked; from being so employed that the health
and vigour of ensuing generations may be seriously impaired, (which
would be a grave mistake even in the economy of labour;) from being so
entirely occupied that no time shall remain for education? We think not.
The legislature is not in this case equally powerless. It may here
prevent an incipient abuse from growing into a custom. The law cannot
create an additional amount of capital to be distributed over its
population in the shape of an advance of wages, but the law can say to
all parents and all masters--you shall not profit by the labour of the
child, to the ruin of its health, and the loss of all period for mental
and moral discipline. Such an overtaski