making them
think so well that they can crowd their way into their employers'
places, he proposes to have labour get into their places without
thinking, and run a world without thinking. All that is necessary in
order to have workmen run the world, is to get workmen to stop working,
to stop thinking, and then as rapidly as possible to get everybody else
to stop thinking. Then the world will fall into their hands.

The third reason that Tom Mann is incompetent is that he is unpractical
and full of scorn. And scorn, from the point of view of the
practical-minded man, is a sentimental and useless emotion. We have
learned that it almost always has to be used by a man who has his facts
wrong, that is, who does not see what he himself is really like, and who
has not noticed what other people are really like. No man who sees
himself as he is, feels at liberty to use scorn. And no man who sees
others as they are, sees any occasion for it. Tom Mann uses hate also,
and hate has been found to be, as directed toward classes of persons as
a means of getting them to do things, archaic and inefficient. It is not
quite bright. It need not be denied that hate and scorn both impress
some people, but they never seem to impress the people that see things
to do and who find ways to do them. And the people who use scorn are all
too narrow, too class-bound, and too self-regarding to do things in a
huge world problem like the present one.

The fourth reason that Tom Mann as a labour leader is incompetent is
that he is afraid; he is afraid of capital, so afraid that he has to
fight it instead of grappling with it and cooeperating with it. He is
afraid to believe in labour--so afraid that he takes orders from it
instead of seeing for it, and seeing ahead for it. He is afraid of his
employers' brains, of their having brains enough to understand and to to
be convinced as to the position of the labourer. He is afraid to believe
in his own brains, in his own brains being good enough to convince them.

So he backs down and fights.

If any reader who is interested to do so will kindly turn back at this
point a page or so, and read this chapter we have just gone through
together, over again, and if he will kindly, wherever it occurs, insert
for Tom Mann, labour leader, "D.A. Thomas, leader of mine-owners," he
will save much time for both of us, and he will kindly make one chapter
in this book which is already much too long, as good as two. Tom Mann