s to
be hoped we may destroy it, and so save ourselves from
reproaches, and our posterity from the imbecility ever
attendant on a country filled with slaves. This was as much
the interest of South Carolina and Georgia as of any other
States. Every addition they received to their number of
slaves tended to weakness, and rendered them less capable of
self-defence. In case of hostilities with foreign nations,
their slave population would be a means, not of repelling
invasions, but of inviting attack. It was the duty of the
general government to protect every part of the Union
against danger, as well internal as external. Every thing,
therefore, which tended to increase this danger, though it
might be a local affair, yet, if it involved national
expense or safety, became of concern to every part of the
Union, and a proper subject for the consideration of those
charged with the general administration of the government."

Mr. Bland approved the position taken by Mr. Madison, while Mr. Burke
of South Carolina charged the gentlemen with having wasted the time of
Congress upon a useless proposition. He contended, that, while slaves
were not mentioned in the Constitution, they would come under the
general five per cent _ad valorem_ duty on all unenumerated articles,
which would be equivalent to the proposition of the gentleman from
Virginia. Mr. Madison replied by saying, that no collector of customs
would presume to apply the terms "goods," "wares," and "merchandise"
to persons. Mr. Sherman followed him in the same strain, and denied
that persons were anywhere recognised as property in the Constitution.
Finally, at the suggestion of Mr. Madison, Mr. Parker consented to
withdraw his motion with the understanding that a separate bill should
be brought in. A committee was appointed to discharge that duty, but
the noble resolve found a quiet grave in the committee-room.

The failure of this first attempt, under the new Constitution, to
restrict slavery, did not lame the cause to any great extent. It was
rather accelerated. The manner and spirit of the debate on the subject
quickened public thought, animated the friends of the Negro, and
provoked many people to good works. Slavery had ceased to exist in
Massachusetts. Several suits, entered by slaves against their masters
for restraining their liberty, had been won. The case of Elizabeth
Freeman, bette