e same sort on France and Spain, or any other independent
power, and, indeed, with more studied caution than we should have used,
not to shock the principle of their independence. How the minister
reconciled the refusal to reason, and the surrender to arms raised in
defiance of the prerogatives of the crown, to his master, I know not: it
has probably been settled, in some way or other, between themselves. But
however the king and his ministers may settle the question of his
dignity and his rights, I thought it became me, by vigilance and
foresight, to take care of yours: I thought I ought rather to lighten
the ship in time than expose it to a total wreck. The conduct pursued
seemed to me without weight or judgment, and more fit for a member for
Banbury than a member for Bristol. I stood, therefore, silent with grief
and vexation, on that day of the signal shame and humiliation of this
degraded king and country. But it seems the pride of Ireland, in the day
of her power, was equal to ours, when we dreamt we were powerful too. I
have been abused there even for my silence, which was construed into a
desire of exciting discontent in England. But, thank God, my letter to
Bristol was in print, my sentiments on the policy of the measure were
known and determined, and such as no man could think me absurd enough to
contradict. When I am no longer a free agent, I am obliged in the crowd
to yield to necessity: it is surely enough that I silently submit to
power; it is enough that I do not foolishly affront the conqueror; it is
too hard to force me to sing his praises, whilst I am led in triumph
before him,--or to make the panegyric of our own minister, who would put
me neither in a condition to surrender with honor or to fight with the
smallest hope of victory. I was, I confess, sullen and silent on that
day,--and shall continue so, until I see some disposition to inquire
into this and other causes of the national disgrace. If I suffer in my
reputation for it in Ireland, I am sorry; but it neither does nor can
affect me so nearly as my suffering in Bristol for having wished to
unite the interests of the two nations in a manner that would secure the
supremacy of this.

Will you have the goodness to excuse the length of this letter? My
earnest desire of explaining myself in every point which may affect the
mind of any worthy gentleman in Bristol is the cause of it. To yourself,
and to your liberal and manly notions, I know it is not