as might be convenient. It is
one of the glaring weaknesses of the policy of Free Imports that it
actually puts a premium on separatism. But it is impossible to discuss
the future on that assumption. Whatever the fate of the Home Rule Bill
may be it is certain that Free Trade is doomed, and that the United
Kingdom, whether united or divided, will revert to a policy of national
protection and national development.

What will be the effect upon Ireland? Assuming mutual good will,
assuming that the Irish Government will be ready to grant a substantial
preference to British trade over foreign trade, there can be no doubt
that Great Britain would respond and give to Irish products the same
preference as might be extended to Canadian or Australian products. But
the first duty of the British Government would be to British producers.
While Empire-grown wheat, and possibly meat, would come in free, the
British farmer would receive a measure of protection against the rest of
the Empire in dairy products and poultry, in barley and oats, in hops,
tobacco, sugar beet, vegetables and fruit, in all those crops, in fact,
in which the British production could meet the British demand without an
undue effect upon prices.

Now, it is precisely by these intensive forms of production that Ireland
stands to gain most under Union. Under Home Rule she would lose this
advantage and have to compete on an equality with the rest of the Empire
both in respect to these products and in respect to wheat and meat. It
is extremely doubtful, too, whether her special privileges with regard
to store cattle would long survive. They could no longer be defended, as
against Canada, by the arguments now used, and as a piece of pure
protectionism there would be no reason for Great Britain to give them a
separate fiscal entity. And if the hopes of Irish agriculture would be
severely checked, still more would that be true of those hopes of new
industries already referred to. Even the great linen industry might find
a small duty enough to transfer a large part of its production within
the British tariff zone. On the other hand, it is doubtful whether any
tariff that Ireland could impose, consistently either with preference or
with reasonable prices in so small a market and on so small a scale of
production, could be of much effect against the competition of British
industries, strengthened and made aggressive under the stimulus of a
national trade policy.

This