r
centuries. And this is the tremendous risk we are deliberately running,
when we only possess six divisions of regular troops to support our
allies on the continent and to safeguard the interests of the whole
British Empire.

It is for the British people to decide whether the thin red line is to
be still thinner in the day of battle, and whether those who should be
fighting side by side shall be embittered and divided, or whether they
will rather believe the words of the greatest naval expert living[69]:

"It is impossible for a military man or a statesman with
appreciation of military conditions, to look at the map and not
perceive that the ambition of the Irish separatists, realised,
would be even more threatening to the national life than the
secession of the South was to that of the American Union."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 69: Admiral Mahan.]

XII

THE RELIGIOUS DIFFICULTY UNDER HOME RULE

(i) THE CHURCH VIEW

BY THE RT. REV. C. F. D'ARCY, BISHOP OF DOWN

Irish Unionists are determined in their opposition to Home Rule by many
considerations. But deepest of all is the conviction that, on the
establishment of a separate legislature and executive for Ireland, the
religious difficulty, which is ever with us here, would be increased
enormously. Occasionally, in English newspapers and in Irish political
speeches, there occur phrases which imply that the Protestant
ascendency, as it was called, still exists in Ireland. Those who know
Ireland are well aware that this is not merely false: it is impossible.
Even in Belfast, as a recent controversy proved, Roman Catholics get
their full share of whatever is to be had. There are no Roman Catholic
disabilities. The majority has every means of making its power felt. At
the present moment, the most impossible of all things in Ireland is that
Roman Catholics, as such, should be oppressed or unfairly treated.

It used to be imagined that when this happy condition was attained there
would be no more religious disagreement in Ireland. But events have
shown the exact opposite to be the case. There never was a time when
there was in the minds of Irish Protestants so deep a dread of Roman
aggression, and so firm a conviction that the object of that aggression
is the complete subjection of this country to Roman domination.
Recalling very distinctly the events and discussions of 1886 and 1893,
when Home Rule for Ireland seemed so near accomplis