of the northern states, designed to
put the states in harmony with the fugitive slave law, and the malignant
bearing of the national government toward the colored inhabitants of
the country. This whole movement on the part of the states, bears
the evidence of having one origin, emanating from one head, and urged
forward by one power. It was simultaneous, uniform, and general, and
looked to one end. It was intended to put thorns under feet already
bleeding; to crush a people already bowed down; to enslave a people
already but half free; in a word, it was intended to discourage,
dishearten, and drive the free colored people out of the country. In
looking at the recent black law of Illinois, one is struck dumb with its
enormity. It would seem that the men who enacted that law, had not only
banished from their minds all sense of justice, but all sense of
shame. It coolly proposes to sell the bodies and souls of the blacks
to increase the intelligence and refinement of the whites; to rob every
black stranger who ventures among them, to increase their literary fund.

While this is going on in the states, a pro-slavery, political board of
health is established at Washington. Senators Hale, Chase, and Sumner
are robbed of a part of their senatorial dignity and consequence
as representing sovereign states, because they have refused to be
inoculated with the slavery virus. Among the services which a senator
is expected by his state to perform, are many that can only be done
efficiently on committees; and, in saying to these honorable senators,
you shall not serve on the committees of this body, the slavery party
took the responsibility of robbing and insulting the states that sent
them. It is an attempt at Washington to decide for the states who shall
be sent to the senate. Sir, it strikes me that this aggression on the
part of the slave power did not meet at the hands of the proscribed
senators the rebuke which we had a right to expect would be
administered. It seems to me that an opportunity was lost, that the
great principle of senatorial equality was left undefended, at a time
when its vindication was sternly demanded. But it is not to the purpose
of my present statement to criticise the conduct of our friends. I am
persuaded that much ought to be left to the discretion of{361} anti
slavery men in congress, and charges of recreancy should never be made
but on the most sufficient grounds. For, of all the places in the world
w