erty, what he is incapable, in that state, either of
acquiring, or holding, to his own use. Hence it will appear how
perfectly irreconcilable a state of slavery is to the principles of a
democracy, which form the _basis_ and _foundation_ of our government.
For our bill of rights declares, "that all men are by nature _equally
free_ and independent, and have certain rights of which they cannot
deprive or divest their posterity--namely, the enjoyment of life and
_liberty_, with the means of _acquiring_ and _possessing property_."
This is indeed no more than a recognition of the first principles of the
law of nature, which teaches us this equality, and enjoins every man,
whatever advantages he may possess over another, as to the various
qualities or endowments of body or mind, to practice the precepts of the
law of nature to those who are in these respects his _inferiors_, no
less than it enjoins his _inferiors_ to practise them towards _him_.
Since he has no more right to insult _them_, than they have to injure
him. Nor does the _bare unkindness of nature_ or of fortune condemn a
man to a _worse_ condition than others, as to the enjoyment of common
privileges [Spavan's Puff. vol. 1. c. 17.]. It would be hard to
reconcile reducing the Negroes to a state of slavery to these
principles, unless we first degrade them below the rank of human beings,
not only politically, but also physically and morally.--The Roman
lawyers look upon those only properly as _persons_, who are _free_,
putting _slaves_ into the rank of _goods_ and _chattels_; and the policy
of our legislature, as well as the practice of slave-holders in America
in general, seems conformable to that idea: but surely it is time we
should admit the evidence of moral truth, and learn to regard them as
our fellow men, and equals, except in those particulars where accident,
or perhaps nature, may have give us some advantage; a recompence for
which they perhaps enjoy in other respects.
Slavery, says Hargrave, always imports an obligation of perpetual
service, which only the consent of the master can dissolve: it also
generally gives to the master an arbitrary power of administring every
sort of correction, however inhuman, not immediately affecting life or
limb, and even these in some countries, as formerly in Rome, and at this
day among the Asiatics and Africans, are left exposed to the arbitrary
will of a master, or protected only by fines or other slight
punishments. Th
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