nt success beyond the Alps. He had won
victories in Gaul and Britain; but in the mean time his enemies had been
active at Rome. Still believing that the senate would permit his quiet
election to the consulship, he refused to strike any blow at their
authority. But the senate had determined to humble Caesar. Both Pompey
and Caesar were removed from leadership, but the Consul Marcellus refused
to execute the decree. Caesar was directed by the senate to disband his
army by a fixed day, on pain of being considered a public enemy. Pompey
sided with the senate. This meant civil war. Antony and Cassius fled to
the camp of Caesar, who was enthusiastically supported by his soldiers
and "crossed the Rubicon."

Having become master of all Italy in three months without a battle,
Caesar reentered Rome. Pompey had fled, and at the battle of Pharsalia
was utterly routed, and took refuge in Egypt, where he was murdered a
few days before the arrival of Caesar.

Upon receipt of the news of Pompey's death Caesar was named dictator for
one year. The government was now placed without disguise in his hands.
He was invested with the tribunician power for life. He was also again
elected consul and named dictator.

Caesar had now become a demi-god, and was named dictator for ten years,
being awarded a fourfold triumph, and a thanksgiving being decreed for
forty days. He was also made censor. This was in B.C. 46. After
defeating the remnant of the Pompeians, he returned to Rome in
September, B.C. 45, and was named imperator, and appointed consul for
ten years and dictator for life, being hailed as _Parens Patriae_.

All these triumphs had caused jealousies. It was thought that he aspired
to become king, and this led to his fall.)

NIEBUHR

It is one of the inestimable advantages of a hereditary government
commonly called the legitimate, whatever its form may be, that it may be
formally inactive in regard to the state and the population--that it may
reserve its interference until it is absolutely necessary, and
apparently leave things to take their own course. If we look around us
and observe the various constitutions, we shall scarcely perceive the
interference of the government; the greater part of the time passes away
without those who have the reins in their hands being obliged to pay any
particular attention to what they are doing, and a very large amount of
individual liberty may be enjoyed. But if the government is what we call
a