his at a time when the fatal doctrine is in vogue as what may be
called the metaphysical apology for the most base and barbarous
rebellion against free government recorded in history. According to this
editor, Chancellor Livingston was 'dilatory and uncertain,' Duane
sympathized with the Tories in power, Hamilton exaggerated the troubles
of the country and consciously sought to make his fellow citizens
attribute, against the facts, the depreciated currency and the dearth of
trade to the weakness of the Confederation--making a false issue to
effect a political triumph: 'his plan of operations,' his 'tact,' are
referred to as if, instead of being a true patriot and conscientious
statesman, he was a mere special pleader, intriguing and ambitious. Add
to this that, when introducing the 'Federalist' to the public in what
purports to be an historical preface, he is silent on the wonderful
fruits of the Constitution therein advocated--and fails to indicate, as
would any candid critic, the remarkable proofs which time and experience
yield of the practical wisdom and patriotic foresight of the men whose
honorable prestige he thus indirectly seeks to undermine. Jay, we are
told, was regarded 'by the majority of his fellow citizens as selfish,
impracticable, and aristocratic;' he is said to have been 'induced to
undertake' his share of the 'Federalist;' he speaks of the small part he
actually did write, without alluding to the fact that illness withdrew
him from work of all kinds, after his third paper had been
contributed--thus conveying the impression of a lukewarm zeal and even
utter indifference; whereas not only do his own words confute the
imputation, but we have Madison's declaration that the idea of the
'Federalist' was suggested by Jay; 'and it was undertaken last fall,' he
writes to Jefferson, 'by Jay, Hamilton, and myself. The proposal came
from the two former. The execution was thrown, by the sickness of Jay,
mostly on the two others.' It is even insinuated by this editor that Jay
confined himself to topics which could be discussed 'without
compromising in the least his general political sentiments, and without
obliging him to assent even by implication to any portion of the
proposed Constitution.' The representative duties and offices again and
again forced upon John Jay--whether as a writer, jurist, envoy, or
legislator--the evidence of his own letters, and especially the
testimony of his fellow statesmen, adequately c