d immemorial possession. We all know the
famous dispute among the learned on the question of prescription and
natural right, whether it obtains between sovereigns and free nations.
The affirmative is founded only on that very weak argument that he who
for a long time has not made use of his rights is presumed to have
abandoned them; a presumption which is at best doubtful, and cannot
destroy the right and established property of a monarch. Besides, even
this presumption altogether vanishes when the superior strength of a
usurper has prevented the lawful proprietor from claiming his rights,
which has been the case in the present instance.

"Time alone cannot render a possession just which has not been so from
its origin; and as there is no judge between free nations, no one can
decide if the time past is sufficient to establish prescription, or if
the presumption of the desertion [of rights] is sufficiently proved. But
even leaving this point undetermined, the prescription which the
republic of Poland could allege in the present case has not any of the
qualities which the advocates of prescription require, to render it
valid between free states."

We do not imagine that our readers will coincide with Frederick in the
following opinion: "We flatter ourselves that when the impartial public
has weighed without prejudice all that has just been detailed in this
_expose_, they will not find in the step which his majesty has taken
anything which is not conformable to justice, to natural right, to the
general use of nations, and, lastly, to the example which the Poles
themselves have given in seizing all these countries by simple matter of
fact. We trust also that the Polish nation will eventually recover from
its prejudices; that it will acknowledge the enormous injustice which it
has done to the house of Brandenburg, and that it will bring itself to
repair it by a just and honorable arrangement with which his majesty
will willingly comply, sincerely wishing to cultivate the friendship and
good-fellowship of this illustrious nation, and to live with the
republic in good union and harmony."

We have thus given the three monarchs liberty to plead for themselves;
and no one can rise from the perusal of their "Defences" without feeling
additional conviction of their injustice, and resentment at their
hypocrisy. We must own we are almost inclined to interpret Frederick's
appeal as a sneering parody on the cant of diplomacy in gene