d
on the question of "group marriage." The first point is naturally that
of nomenclature, and we at once recognise that among the Dieri the
relations of the _pirrauru_ are not marriage, either on the definition
suggested by Dr Westermarck or on that given in Chapter XI of the
present work. If two _tippa-malku_ pairs are reciprocally in _pirrauru_,
the only relations between them, unless the _tippa-malku_ husbands
absent themselves or are complaisant, are, strictly speaking, those of
temporary regulated polygamy or promiscuity, and rather a restriction
than an extension of similar customs in other tribes, as I shall show
below.

A second point of a similar nature is that the parties to a _pirrauru_
union are in no sense a group[175]. They are not united by any bond,
local, totemistic, tribal, or otherwise. The theoretical "group
marriage"--the union of all the _noa_--does, in a sense, refer to a
group, though this term properly refers rather to a body of people
distinguished by residence or some other _local_ differentia from other
persons or groups. But no distinction of this kind can in any sense be
affirmed of the _pirrauru_ spouses; it cannot be said of them that they
are in any way distinguished from the remainder of their tribe, phratry,
class or totem-kin. From this it follows that the term class-marriage
cannot be applied to the relation between the _pirrauru_, nor yet class
promiscuity; the _pirrauru_, though members of a certain class, do not
include all members of that class.

Turning now to the custom itself, let us examine how far it presents any
marks of being a survival of a previous state of class promiscuity.
_Pirrauru_ relations are regarded by Dr Howitt and others as survivals
from a previous stage of "group," by which we must, presumably,
understand class or status marriage, or promiscuity. So far as they are
evidence of this, the _pirrauru_ customs are certainly important. If
however it cannot be shown that they probably point to some form of
promiscuity, they have but little importance except as a freak or
exceptional development of polyandry and polygyny.

Let us recall the distinguishing features of the _pirrauru_ union. They
are (1) consent of the husband (?); (2) recognition by the totem-kin
through its head-man; (3) temporary character[176]; (4) priority of the
_tippa-malku_ union in the case of the woman; (5) purchase of _pirrauru_
rights by (_a_) the brother who becomes a widower, and (_b_