the protection of Rome. These
kingdoms became factions after Caligula only because the profound
policy of Augustus concerning them was diverged from in succeeding
reigns.

The numerous free cities were governed according to their own laws,
and had the legislative power and magistracy of autonomic states.
Until the third century their municipal decree commenced with the
formula, "The Senate and People of--". The theaters were not simply
placed for scenic amusement, but were foci of opinion and discussion.
Most of the towns were, in different ways, little commonwealths. The
municipal spirit was very strong. They had lost only the power to
declare war, a fatal power which made the world a field of carnage.
"The benefits conferred by Rome upon mankind" were the theme of
adulatory addresses everywhere, to which, however, it would be unjust
to deny some sincerity. The doctrine of "the Peace of Rome," the idea
of a vast democracy organized under Roman protection, lay at the
bottom of all political speculations. A Greek rhetorician displays
vast erudition in proving that Roman glory should be claimed by all
the branches of the Hellenic race as a common patrimony. In regard to
Syria, Asia Minor, and Egypt, we may say that the Roman conquest did
not destroy any of their liberties. Those nations had either been
already long dead to political life, or had never enjoyed it.

Finally, in spite of the extortions of governors and of the violence
which is inseparable from despotic sway, the world had in many
respects never been so well off. An administration coming from a
remote center was so great an advantage, that even the rapacious
praetors of the latter days of the republic had failed to render it
unpopular. The Julian law had also narrowed down the scope of abuses
and peculations. The follies or cruelties of the emperor, except under
Nero, reached only the Roman aristocracy and the immediate followers
of the prince. Never had men who did not care to busy themselves about
politics been able to live more at ease. The ancient republics, in
which every one was compelled to take part in the factions, were very
uncomfortable places of residence. There was continually going on some
disorganization or proscription. But under the empire the time seemed
made expressly for great proselytism which should overrule both the
quarrels of neighborhoods and the rivalry of dynasties. Attacks on
liberty were much more frequently owing to the remnan