nduct of the executive had been "just and impartial to foreign
nations," and moved to strike out the statement; Gallatin was more
moderate. Though he did not believe that in every instance the
government had been just and impartial, yet, generally speaking, it had
been so. He did not approve the British treaty, though he attributed no
bad motives to its makers; but he did not think that the laws respecting
the subordinate departments of the executive and judiciary had been
fairly executed. He therefore would not consent to the sentence in the
answer to the address, that the House did not hesitate to declare that
"they would give their most cordial support to principles so
deliberately and uprightly established."

What, he asked, were these principles? Otis denounced this as an artful
attempt to cast a censure, not only on the executive, but on all the
departments of government, and Allen of Connecticut declared "that there
was American blood enough in the House to approve this clause and
American accent enough to pronounce it." The rough prejudice of the
Saxon against the Latin race showed itself in this language, and
expressed the antagonism which Mr. Gallatin found to increase with his
political progress. Both the resolution and the amendment were defeated,
53 nays to 45 yeas. But when the final vote came upon the address, Mr.
Gallatin, with that practical sense which made him the sheet anchor of
his party in boisterous weather, voted with the Federalists and carried
the moderate Republicans with him. The vote was 62 to 36. Among the
irreconcilables the name of Edward Livingston is recorded.

The answer of the President was a model of good sense. "No event can
afford me so much cordial satisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with
the French Republic to a removal of prejudices, a correction of errors,
a dissipation of umbrages, an accommodation of all differences, and a
restoration of harmony and affection to the mutual satisfaction of both
nations."

This was the leading debate of the session. The situation was too grave
for trifling. On June 5, two days after the President's reply,
resolutions were introduced to put the country in a state of defense.
Gallatin struggled hard to keep down the appropriations, and opposed the
employment of the three frigates, which as yet had not been equipped or
manned. If they got to sea, the President would have no option except to
enforce the disputed articles of the French treaty