ns go on, and that rewards and
honorary distinctions are given for them, and for the victories which
lead to them, and for little else; and they are too apt to infer that
they are systematic, and encouraged, and prescribed from home. The
native States I consider to be breakwaters, and when they are all
swept away, we shall be left to the mercy of our native army, which
may not always be sufficiently under our control. Such a feeling as
that which pervaded Bundelcund and Gwalior in 1842 and 1843, must,
sooner or later, pervade all India, if these doctrines are carried
out to their full extent; and our rule could not, probably, exist
under it. With regard to Oude, I can only say that the King pursues
the same course, and every day shows that he is unfit to reign. He
has not the slightest regard for the duties or responsibilities of
his high position; and the people, and even the members of his own
family, feel humiliated at his misconduct, and grow weary of his
reign. The greater part of these members have not received their
stipends for from two to three years, and they despair of ever
receiving them as long as he reigns. He is neither tyrannical nor
cruel, but altogether incapable of devoting any of his time or
attention to business of any kind, but spends the whole of his time
with women, eunuchs, fiddlers, and other parasites. Should he be set
aside, as he deserves to be, three courses are open: 1. To appoint a
regency during the minority of the heir-apparent, who is now about
eleven years of age, to govern with the advice of the Resident; 2. To
manage the country by European agency during the regency, or in
perpetuity, leaving the surplus revenue to the royal family; 3. To
confiscate and annex the country, and pension the royal family. The
first plan was prescribed by Lord Hardinge, in case of accident to
the King; the second is what was done at Nagpore, with so much
advantage, by Sir Richard Jenkins in 1817; the third is what the
absorbing school would advocate, but I should most deprecate. It
would be most profitable for us, in a pecuniary point of view, but
most injurious, I think, in a political one. It would tend to
accelerate the crisis which the doctrines of that school must, sooner
or later, bring upon us. Which course the Governor-General may prefer
I know not.

Believe me,
My Dear Sir James,
Yours very faithfully
(Signe