ick, still at
Oxford.

In these pursuits, as well as in the somewhat harassing occupation of
disentangling the family property from its embarrassments, be was
preparing himself for future usefulness by the exercise of the same
industry and patience, the same grasp both of details and of general
purpose, which be showed in the political career gradually dawning upon
him. It was observed that, whatsoever his hand found to do, he did it with
all his might, as well as with a judgment and discretion beyond his years,
and a tact akin to genius. He was undergoing, perhaps, the best training
for the varied duties to which he was to be called--that peculiarly
British 'discipline of mind, body, and heart' to which observers like
Bunsen attribute the effectiveness of England's public men.

As early as 1834, when he had barely completed his twenty-third year, he
published a Letter to the Electors of Great Britain, with the view of
vindicating the policy and the position of the Tory leaders, more
especially of the Duke of Wellington. A similar motive, the desire of
protesting against a monopoly of liberal sentiments by the Whigs, and
showing in his own person that a Tory was not necessarily a narrow bigot,
impelled him to offer himself as a candidate at the election of 1837, on
the occurrence of an unexpected vacancy in the representation of
Fifeshire. But, coming forward at a moment's warning, he never had any
chance of success, and was defeated by a large majority.

[Sidenote: M.P. for Southampton.]

In the year 1840, George, Lord Bruce, the eldest son of Lord Elgin by his
first wife, died, unmarried, and James became heir to the earldom. On
April 22, 1841, he married Elizabeth Mary, daughter of Mr. C.L. Cumming
Bruce. At the general election in July of the same year he stood for the
borough of Southampton, and was returned at the head of the poll. His
political views at this time were very much those which have since been
called 'Liberal Conservative.' Speaking at a great banquet at Southampton
he said--

I am a Conservative, not upon principles of exclusionism--not from
narrowness of view, or illiberality of sentiment--but because I
believe that our admirable Constitution, on principles more exalted
and under sanctions more holy than those which Owenism or Socialism
can boast, proclaims between men of all classes and degrees in the
body politic a sacred bond of brotherhood in the recognition of a