th the same view, I think it proper to mention that some of
our citizens resident abroad have fitted out privateers, and others have
voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and
committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such
unnatural and iniquitous practices can be restrained only by severe
punishments.

But besides a protection of our commerce on the seas, I think it highly
necessary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most
important ports. The distance of the United States from Europe and the
well-known promptitude, ardor, and courage of the people in defense of
their country happily diminish the probability of invasion.
Nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory incursions the
situation of some of our principal seaports demands your consideration.
And as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its
commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means of general
defense ought not to be increased by an addition to the regular
artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provisional
army.

With the same view, and as a measure which, even in a time of universal
peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your consideration a
revision of the laws for organizing, arming, and disciplining the
militia, to render that natural and safe defense of the country
efficacious.

Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the
political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and
separate from it if we can, yet to effect this separation, early,
punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events and
of the political projects in contemplation is no less necessary than if
we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in order to the
discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to
make preparations against them. However we may consider ourselves, the
maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider the United
States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe
which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against
our interest, but it would be doing wrong to one-half of Europe, at
least, if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is
a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral to consult with
other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits. At the same time
that