by State
Secretary Reitz as the official exposition of the case of the Boer
against the Briton. I regard it as not merely a duty but an honour to be
permitted to bring it before the attention of my countrymen.

Rightly or wrongly the British Government has sat in judgment upon the
South African Republic, rightly or wrongly it has condemned it to death.
And now, before the executioner can carry out the sentence, the accused
is entitled to claim the right to speak freely--it may be for the last
time--to say why, in his opinion, the sentence should not be executed. A
liberty which the English law accords as an unquestioned right to the
foulest murderer cannot be denied to the South African Republic. It is
on that ground that I have felt bound to afford the spokesman of our
Dutch brethren in South Africa the opportunity of stating their case in
his own way in the hearing of the Empire.

Despite the diligently propagated legend of a Reptile press fed by Dr.
Leyds for the purpose of perverting public opinion, it is indisputable
that so far as this country is concerned Mr. Reitz is quite correct in
saying that the case of the Transvaal "has been lost by default before
the tribunal of public opinion."

It is idle to point, in reply to this, to the statements that have
appeared in the press of the Continent. These pleadings were not
addressed to the tribunal that was trying the case. In the British press
the case of the Transvaal was never presented by any accredited counsel
for the defence. Those of us who have in these late months been
compelled by the instinct of justice to protest against the campaign of
misrepresentation organised for the purpose of destroying the South
African Republic were in many cases so far from authorised exponents of
the South African Dutch that some of them--among whom I may be reckoned
for one--were regarded with such suspicion that it was most difficult
for us to obtain even the most necessary information from the
representatives of the Government at Pretoria. Nor was this suspicion
without cause--so far at least as I was concerned.

For nearly a quarter of a century it might almost have been contended
that I was one of the leading counsel for the prosecution. First as the
friend and advocate of the Rev. John Mackenzie, then as the friend and
supporter of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, and latterly as the former colleague and
upholder of Sir Alfred Milner, it had been my lot constantly, in season
and out