ublic de
la France en matiere d'impots," p. 654, printed at Brussels in 1779.]

". . . Every corporation and every community of citizens retained the
right of administering its own affairs; a right which not only forms
part of the primitive constitution of the kingdom, but has a
still higher origin; for it is the right of nature, and of reason.
Nevertheless, your subjects, Sire, have been deprived of it; and we
cannot refrain from saying that in this respect your government has
fallen into puerile extremes. From the time when powerful ministers
made it a political principle to prevent the convocation of a national
assembly, one consequence has succeeded another, until the deliberations
of the inhabitants of a village are declared null when they have not
been authorized by the Intendant. Of course, if the community has an
expensive undertaking to carry through, it must remain under the control
of the sub-delegate of the Intendant, and, consequently, follow the
plan he proposes, employ his favorite workmen, pay them according to his
pleasure; and if an action at law is deemed necessary, the Intendant's
permission must be obtained. The cause must be pleaded before this first
tribunal, previous to its being carried into a public court; and if the
opinion of the Intendant is opposed to that of the inhabitants, or if
their adversary enjoys his favor, the community is deprived of the
power of defending its rights. Such are the means, Sire, which have been
exerted to extinguish the municipal spirit in France; and to stifle, if
possible, the opinions of the citizens. The nation may be said to lie
under an interdict, and to be in wardship under guardians." What could
be said more to the purpose at the present day, when the Revolution has
achieved what are called its victories in centralization?

In 1789, Jefferson wrote from Paris to one of his friends:--"There is
no country where the mania for over-governing has taken deeper root than
in France, or been the source of greater mischief." (Letter to Madison,
August 28, 1789.) The fact is, that for several centuries past the
central power of France has done everything it could to extend central
administration; it has acknowledged no other limits than its own
strength. The central power to which the Revolution gave birth made more
rapid advances than any of its predecessors, because it was stronger
and wiser than they had been; Louis XIV committed the welfare of such
communities to