g the trial, it was impossible to forecast the result
with any degree of certainty. The only judgment that had the least
significance was founded on the votes given to admit or to reject
certain testimony proposed by the President's counsel. This of course
gave no certain indication of the vote of senators; though the general
belief was that the Impeachment would fail. The transfer of the
entire House to the floor of the Senate, the galleries crowded with
citizens from all parts of the Republic, the presence of all the
foreign ministers in the Diplomatic Gallery eagerly watching the
possible and peaceful deposition of a sovereign ruler, the large
attendance of the representatives of the press,--all attested the
profound impression which the trial had made and the intense anxiety
with which its conclusion was awaited.
By an order of the Senate the first vote was taken on the last Article,
which was a summary of many of the charges set forth at greater length
in some of the preceding Articles of Impeachment. Upon the call of his
name each senator was required to rise and answer "Guilty" or "Not
guilty." The roll was called in breathless silence, with hundreds of
tally-papers in the hands of eager observers on the floor and in the
gallery, carefully noting each response as given. The result,
announced at once by the Chief Justice, showed that _thirty-five_
senators had declared the President "_guilty_" and _nineteen_ had
declared him "_not guilty_."(5) As conviction required two-thirds the
Impeachment on the Eleventh Article had failed. A debate then arose
on a proposition to rescind the resolution in regard to the order in
which the vote should be taken upon the other Articles of Impeachment,
but without reaching a conclusion, the Senate as a Court of Impeachment
adjourned, on motion of Mr. Cameron of Pennsylvania, until Tuesday
the 26th day of May.
During the intervening period of fifteen days the air was filled with
rumors that the result would be different when the Senate should come
to vote on the remaining Articles. A single senator changing against
the President would give _thirty-six_ for conviction, and leave only
_eighteen_ for acquittal. This would be fatal to the President, as it
would give the two-thirds necessary for conviction. But it was not so
ordained. When the Senate re-assembled on the 26th, the vote was
taken on the Second Article, and then upon the Third, with precisely
the same result
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