ch they would like you, sirs, to remember and respect.
. . . We invoke you, gentlemen, to show the same kindly feeling towards
us, a race long oppressed, and in demonstration of this humane and just
feeling, I implore you, give support to the Civil-rights Bill, which we
have been asking at your hands, lo! these many days."
There was no disposition, as General Butler explained, to unite the
Civil-rights Bill with the Amnesty Bill, because the former could be
passed by a majority, while the latter required two-thirds. With
General Butler and the colored representatives speaking for the most
radical sentiment of the House, and the Democrats eager for the bill
if it could be disentangled from all connection with other measures,
complete unanimity was reached, and the bill was enacted without even
a division being demanded.
When the measure reached the Senate it was governed by an understanding
that without being united in the same Act it should keep even pace
with the Civil-rights Bill, and that while the Southern white man was
to be relieved of his political disabilities the Southern black man
should be endowed with his personal rights. On the 21st of May,
therefore, the Civil-rights Bill was taken up for consideration in
advance of the Amnesty Bill. In the temporary absence of Mr. Sumner
from the Senate chamber, the equality recognized as to public schools
and jury service was struck out, and in that form the bill was passed.
The Amnesty Bill was immediately taken up; while it was pending Mr.
Sumner returned and warmly denounced the fundamental change that had
been made in the Civil-rights Bill. In consequence of what he
considered a breach of faith on the question, he voted against the
passage of the Amnesty Bill, Senator Nye of Nevada being the only one
who united with him in the negative vote. Mr. Sumner's denunciations
of the emasculated Civil-rights Bill were extremely severe; but he was
pertinently reminded by Senator Anthony of Rhode Island that the bill
was all that could be obtained in the Senate at this session, and
perhaps more than could be enacted into law. The senator from Rhode
Island had correctly estimated the probably action of the House, for
although on three different occasions attempts were made to pass the
bill under a suspension of the rules, the Democratic members, who
numbered more than one-third of the House, voted solidly in the
negative, and thus defeated the measure.
The colored re
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