rritory in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen
of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the
formation of a State Constitution? Third, if the Supreme Court of
the United States shall decide that States cannot exclude slavery from
their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting, and
following such decision as a rule of political action? Fourth,
are you in favor of acquiring additional territory in disregard of
how such acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question?"
The questions propounded reached the marrow of the controversy,
and were yet to have a much wider field for discussion. This
was especially true of the second of the series. Upon this widely
divergent--irreconcilable--views were entertained by Northern
and Southern Democrats. The evidence of this is to be found in
the respective national platforms upon which Douglas and Mr.
Breckenridge were two years later rival candidates of a divided
party. The second interrogatory of Mr. Lincoln clearly emphasized
this conflict of opinion as it existed at the time of the debates.
It is but just, however, to Douglas--of whom little that is kindly
has in late years been spoken--to say that there was nothing in
the question to cause him surprise or embarrassment. It would
be passing strange if during the protracted debates with
Senators representing extreme and antagonistic views, a matter
so vital as the interpretation of the Kansas-Nebraska Act--as
indicated by the interrogatory--had never been under discussion.
Conclusive evidence on this point is to be found in the speech
delivered by Senator Douglas at Bloomington, July 16, forty-two
days before the Freeport debate, in which he said:
"I tell you, my friends, it is impossible under our institutions
to force slavery on an unwilling people. If this principle of
popular sovereignty, asserted in the Nebraska Bill, be fairly
carried out by letting the people decide the question for themselves
by a fair vote, at a fair election, and with honest returns, slavery
will never exist one day or one hour in any Territory against
the unfriendly legislation of an unfriendly people. Hence if
the people of a Territory want slavery they will encourage it by
passing affirmatory laws, and the necessary police regulations; if
they do not want it, they will withhold that legislation, and by
withholding it slavery is as dead as if it were prohibited by a
Constitutional prohi
|