ful in the presence of magistrates and in the presence of the
government.

A Malouet, a Mounier, a Mallet du Pan, partisans of the English
Constitution and Parliament, may be content with such trifling gifts,
but the Jacobin theory holds them all cheap, and, if need be, will
trample them in the dust. Independence and security for the private
citizen is not what it promises, not the right to vote every two years,
not a moderate exercise of influence, not an indirect, limited and
intermittent control of the commonwealth, but political dominion in the
full and complete possession of France and the French people. There is
no doubt on this point. In Rousseau's own words, the "Contrat Social"
prescribes "the complete alienation to the community of each associate
and all his rights," every individual surrendering himself wholly,
"just as he may actually be, he himself and all his powers of which
his possessions form a part," so that the state not only the recognized
owner of property, but of minds and bodies as well, may forcibly and
legitimately impose on every member of it such education, form
of worship, religious faith, opinions and sympathies as it deems
best.[1122] Now each man, solely because he is a man, is by right a
member of this despotic sovereignty. Whatever, accordingly, my condition
may be, my incompetence, my ignorance, my insignificance in the career
in which I have plodded along, I have full control over the fortunes,
lives, and consciences of twenty-six million French people, being
accordingly Czar and Pope, according to my share of authority.----But
if I adhere strictly to this doctrine, I am yet more so than my quota
warrants. This royal prerogative with which I am endowed is only
conferred on those who, like myself, sign the Social Contract in
full; others, merely because they reject some clause of it, incur a
forfeiture; no one must enjoy the advantages of a pact of which some of
the conditions are repudiated.--Even better, as this pact is based on
natural right and is obligatory, he who rejects it or withdraws from it,
becomes by that act a miscreant, a public wrong-doer and an enemy of
the people. There were once crimes of royal lese-majesty; now there are
crimes of popular lese-majesty. Such crimes are committed when by deed,
word, or thought, any portion whatever of the more than royal authority
belonging to the people is denied or contested. The dogma through which
popular sovereignty is proclaimed