out of the question, and the King must submit to receive
one of still stronger measures. Duncannon does not conceal the
ultra-Liberal nature of his opinions, and he would not regret the
accomplishment of his predictions. It cannot be concealed that
there is nothing very improbable in them, although I am far from
regarding the event as so certain as he does; still less can I
partake of the blind confidence and sanguine hopes of the Tories.
One thing is, however, very clear, that the Whigs and the Radicals
will join (as Lyndhurst said they were sure to do), and that they
will both declare war to the knife against the Tory Government.
The best hope and chance is that a number of really independent
men, unpledged, may be returned, who will hold something like a
balance between the extreme parties, resist all violent
propositions, protect the King from insult and peremptory
dictation, and afford the new Government a fair trial, and on the
other hand declare at once and without reserve their determination
to continue without interruption the course of rational and
effectual reform, making a virtual abandonment of High Tory maxims
and acquiescence in the desires of the country with respect to the
correction of abuses the indispensable conditions of the present
Government's retention of office.

November 27th, 1834 {p.160}

[Page Head: POLICY OF THE PEEL GOVERNMENT]

Yesterday Lord Wharncliffe came to me. He had just been with the
Duke, who received him very cordially, and showed him the
correspondence and minutes of conversations between the King and
Melbourne. He says that it is evident that Melbourne despaired of
being able to carry on the Government, and that the gist of the
King's objection was the nomination of Lord John Russell to lead
the Government in the House of Commons, which His Majesty said he
could not agree to, because he had already declared his
sentiments with regard to the Church and his resolution of
supporting it to the bishops and on other occasions, and that
Lord John Russell had signalised himself in the House of Commons
by his destructive opinions with regard to the Establishment. I
should be glad to see this correspondence and judge for myself,
but I can't go to the Duke on purpose. Wharncliffe says that he
is quite satisfied from his conversation that the Duke is
thoroughly convinced of the necessity of adopting a line of
conduct in conformity with the state of public opinion and
determination