in every possible
way we inform the public mind and educate public opinion on the whole
subject of equal rights under a republican government, and that we
manifest our desire for and willingness to accept all the rights and
responsibilities of citizenship, by asserting our right to be
registered as voters and to vote at the Congressional elections. The
original Constitution provides in express terms that the
representatives in Congress shall be elected "by the people of the
several States," with no restrictions whatever as to the application
of that term. This right, thus clearly granted to all the people, is
confirmed and placed beyond reasonable question by the XIV. and XV.
Amendments. The act of May, 1870, the very title of which, "An Act to
enforce the rights of citizens of the United States to vote," is a
concession of all that we claim, provides that the officers of
elections throughout the United States shall give an equal opportunity
to all citizens of the United States to become qualified to vote by
the registry of their names or other prerequisite; and that where upon
the application of any citizen such prerequisite is refused, such
citizen may vote without performing such prerequisite; and imposes a
penalty upon the officers refusing either the application of the
citizen to be qualified or his subsequent application to vote. The
Constitution also provides that "each House shall be the judge of the
elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members." When,
therefore, the election of any candidate for the lower House is
effected or defeated by the admission or rejection of the votes of
women, the question is brought directly before the House, and it is
compelled to pass at once upon the question of the right of women to
vote under the Constitution. All this may be accomplished without the
necessity of bringing suits for the penalty imposed upon public
officers by the act referred to; but should it be thought best to
institute prosecutions where the application of women to register and
to vote is refused, the question would thereby at once be brought into
the courts. If it be thought expedient to adopt the latter course, it
is best that some test case be brought upon full consultation with the
National Committee, that the ablest counsel may be employed and the
expenses paid out of the public fund. Whatever mode of testing the
question shall be adopted, we must not be in the slightest degree
discouraged b