amily to set a Popish
Pretender on the throne. He was seized by the vigilance of the then
Government and pardoned by its clemency, but all the use he has
ungratefully made of that clemency has been to qualify himself
according to law, that he and his party may some time or other have an
opportunity to overthrow all law." For himself, Walpole declared he
was only afraid that the gentlemen would not be as good as their word,
and that they would return to Parliament. "For I remember," he said,
"that in the case of their favorite prelate who was impeached of
treason"--Atterbury--"the same gentleman and his faction made the same
resolution. They then went off like traitors as they were; but their
retreat had not the detestable effect they expected and wished, and
therefore they returned. Ever since they have persevered in the same
treasonable intention of serving that interest by distressing the
Government."

[Sidenote: 1739--The policy of secession]

The House broke up in wild excitement; such excitement as had not been
known there since the Excise Bill or the South Sea Bubble. About sixty
of the Opposition kept for the time their promise of secession. Sir
John Barnard, and two or three other men of mark in the party, had the
good-sense to see that they could serve their cause, whatever it might
be, better by remaining at their posts than by withdrawing from public
life. The secession of a party from the House of Commons can {175}
hardly ever be anything but a mistake. We are speaking now, of course,
of a secession more serious and prolonged than that which concerns a
particular stage of some measure. There have been occasions when the
party in Opposition, after having fought their best against some
obnoxious measure in all its former stages, and finding that further
struggle would be unavailing, consider that they can make their protest
more effectively, and draw public attention more directly to the nature
of the controversy, by withdrawing in a body from the House of Commons,
and leaving the Government alone with their responsibility. Such a
course as this has been taken more than once in our own days. It can
do no practical harm to the public interest, and it may do some service
as a political demonstration. But a genuine secession, a prolonged
secession, must, in the nature of things, do harm. It is wrong in
principle; for a man is elected to the House of Commons in order that
he may represent his const