he public mind there; if they are determined, upon artificial
causes of complaint, as I believe, still to unite their fate, their
destiny, and their hope, with the extremest South, then, perceiving
them to be of no avail, I shall refuse them. Therefore, at the polls
at last, I shall be governed as an individual citizen by my
conviction at the moment of what the ultimate result of these
propositions will be; but I am not voting for that to-day. I am
saying: "People of the United States, I submit it to you; twenty
States demand it; the peace of the country requires it; there is
dissolution in the very atmosphere; States have gone off; others
threaten; the Queen of England upon her throne declares to the whole
world her sympathy with our unfortunate condition; foreign Governments
denote that there is danger to-day that the greatest Confederation the
world has ever seen is to be parted in pieces, never to be reunited."
Now, not what I wish, not what I want, not what I would have, but all
that I can get, is before me. I know that I do no harm. If the people
of Oregon do not like it, they can easily reject it. If the people of
Pennsylvania will not have it, they can easily throw it aside. If they
do not believe there is danger of dissolution, if they prefer
dissolution, if they think they can compel fifteen States to remain in
or come back, or if they believe they will not go out, let them reject
it. I repeat again, it is their business, it is not mine.
But, sir, whether I vote for it at the polls or not, in voting for it
here it may be said that I give up some of my principles. Mr.
President, we sometimes mistake our opinions for our principles. I am
appealed to often; it is said to me: "You believed in the Chicago
platform." Suppose I did. "Well, this varies from the Chicago
platform." Suppose it does. I stand to-day, as I believe, in the
presence of greater events than those which attend the making of a
President. I stand, as I believe, at least, in the presence of peace
and war; and if it were true that I did violate the Chicago platform,
the Chicago platform is not a Constitution of the United States to me.
If events, if circumstances change, I will violate it, appealing to my
conscience, to my country, and to my God, to justify me according to
the motive. [Applause in the galleries.]
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. FOSTER in the chair). Order will be
preserved in the galleries, or they will be cleared.
Mr. BAKER:--Agai
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