nded for the European market, which they now supply as liberally
with lies as once they did with cotton. Our foolish foes in England
accept every falsehood that is sent them from Richmond, and hence the
torrent of misrepresentation that flows from that city to London. Let
it continue to flow. It can do us no harm, if our action shall be in
correspondence with our cause and our means. If we succeed, falsehood
cannot injure us; if we fail, we shall have something of more importance
than libels to think of. We should bear in mind that our armies are not
to succeed because the slaves shall rise, but that the slaves are to be
freed as a consequence of the success of our armies. That our armies may
succeed, there must be more energy displayed both by their commanders
and by Government. The Proclamation must be enforced, or it will come to
nought. There is nothing self-enforcing about it. Its mere publication
will no more put an end to the Rebellion than President Lincoln's first
proclamation, calling upon the Rebels to cease their evil-doings and
disperse, could put an end to it. Its future value, like that of all
papers that deal with the leading interests of mankind, must depend
altogether upon the future action of the men from whom it emanates, and
that of their constituents. It stands to-day where the Declaration of
Independence stood for the five years that followed its promulgation,
waiting for its place in human annals to be prepared for it by its
supporters. Of what worth would the Declaration of Independence be now,
had it not been for Trenton and Princeton, Saratoga and Yorktown? Of
no worth at all; and its authors would be looked upon as a band of
sentimental political babblers, who could enunciate truths which neither
they nor their countrymen had the capacity to uphold and practically
to demonstrate. But the Declaration of Independence is one of the
most immortal of papers because it proved a grand success; and it was
successful because the men who put it forth were fully competent to the
grand work with the performance of which they were charged. It is for
Mr. Lincoln himself to say whether the Proclamation of September 22,
1861, shall take rank with the Declaration of July 4, 1776, or with
those evidences of flagrant failure that have become so common since
1789,--with the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, and Mexican
Constitutions. That it is the people's duty to support the President is
said by almost al