ill as a violation of the Constitution. He
believed "in the power of the government to sustain itself in the
strife physically and pecuniarily." He was not willing to say to
a man," Here is my note: if I do not pay it, you must steal the
amount from the first man you come to, and give him this note in
payment." He would not be governed in this matter, as Mr. Fessenden
intimated he might be, "by necessity." He had taken an oath to
support the Constitution, and he believed this bill violated it.
He "would not overthrow the Constitution in the Senate Chamber
while the rebels are endeavoring to overthrow it by war."

Senator Wilson looked upon the contest as one "between the men who
speculate in stocks, and the productive, toiling men of the country."
He believed "the sentiment of the nation approaches unanimity in
favor of this legal-tender clause." He had received letters from
large commercial houses in Massachusetts, representing millions of
capital, and "they declare that they do not know a merchant in the
city of Boston engaged in active business who is not for the legal-
tender bill."

Senator Sherman of Ohio urged the adoption of the measure, because
"all the organs of financial opinion in this country agree that
there is a majority" for it; and he cited the New-York Chamber of
Commerce, the Committee on Public Safety in New York, and the
Chambers of Commerce of Boston and Philadelphia, as taking that
ground. He proceeded "to show the necessity of it from reason."
He stated that the government must "raise and pay out of the Treasury
of the United States before the first day of July next, according
to the estimate of the Committee of Ways and Means, the sum of
$343,235,000. Of this sum $100,000,000 is now due and payable to
soldiers, contractors, to the men who have furnished provisions
and clothing for the army; to officers, judges, and civil magistrates."
Mr. Sherman argued that "a question of hard necessity presses upon
the government. This money cannot be obtained from the banks.
With a patriotic feeling not usually attributed to money corporations,
the banks have already exhausted their means. The aggregate capital
of the banks of the three principal cities of the United States is
but $105,000,000, and they have taken more than their capital in
bonds of the United States." It was, therefore, idle to look to
the banks for relief. "They have," continued the senator, "already
tied up their whole capita