rsal Roman Empire when in reality it
existed no longer. Dante's _De Monarchia_ deduced the theory of this
empire conceived as the unity of a strong state. "Quod potest fieri
per unum melius est per unum fieri quam plura," he says in the XIV
chapter of the first book, and further on, considering the citizen as
an instrument for the attainment of the ends of the state, he
concludes that the individual must sacrifice himself for his country.
"Si pars debet se exponere pro salute totius, cum homo siti pars
quaedam civitatis ... homo pro patria debet exponere se ipsum." (lib.
II. 8).

The Roman tradition, which was one of practice but not of
theories--for Rome constructed the most solid state known to history
with extraordinary statesmanship but with hardly any political
writings--influenced considerably the founder of modern political
science, Nicolo Machiavelli, who was himself in truth not a creator of
doctrines but a keen observer of human nature who derived from the
study of history practical maxims of political import. He freed the
science of politics from the formalism of the scholastics and brought
it close to concrete reality. His writings, an inexhaustible mine of
practical remarks and precious observations, reveal dominant in him
the state idea, no longer abstract but in the full historical
concreteness of the national unity of Italy. Machiavelli therefore is
not only the greatest of modern political writers, he is also the
greatest of our countrymen in full possession of a national Italian
consciousness. To liberate Italy, which was in his day "enslaved, torn
and pillaged," and to make her more powerful, he would use any means,
for to his mind the holiness of the end justified them completely. In
this he was sharply rebuked by foreigners who were not as hostile to
his means as they were fearful of the end which he propounded. He
advocated therefore the constitution of a strong Italian state,
supported by the sacrifices and by the blood of the citizens, not
defended by mercenary troops; well-ordered internally, aggressive and
bent on expansion. "Weak republics," he said, "have no determination
and can never reach a decision." (Disc. I. c. 38). "Weak states were
ever dubious in choosing their course, and slow deliberations are
always harmful." (Disc. I. c. 10). And again: "Whoso undertakes to
govern a multitude either in a regime of liberty or in a monarchy,
without previously making sure of those who are hostile