is to-day most
palpable that such a Legislature is of the highest moment to the
National well-being, and that its concession would work the greatest
good to Ireland without injury to England. Nay; I see fresh reasons for
my hope that such concession is far nearer than is generally imagined.
On all hands it is perceived and conceded that the amount of legislation
required by the vast, widely scattered and diversely constituted
portions of the British Empire is too great to be properly affected by
any deliberative body. Parliament is just closing a long session, yet
leaving very much of its proper business untouched for want of time, and
that pertaining to Ireland is especially neglected. Then it has just
passed a most unwise and irritating act with regard to the titles of the
Catholic Prelates, which, because every act of Parliament must extend to
Ireland unless that country is expressly excluded, is allowed to operate
there, though the bad reasons given for its enactment at all have no
application to that country, while the mischiefs it will do there are
ten times greater than all it can effect in Great Britain. Had Ireland a
separate Parliament, no British Minister would have been mad enough to
propose the extension of this act over that country, where it is certain
to excite disaffection and disloyalty, arouse slumbering hatreds, and
impede the march of National and Social improvement. An Irish
Parliament, with specified powers and duties akin to those of an
American State Legislature, would be a great relief to a British
Parliament and Ministry, a great support to Irish loyalty and Irish
improvement, and no harm to anybody. These truths seem to me so palpable
that I think they cannot long be disregarded, but that some one of the
Political changes frequently occurring in Great Britain will secure to
Ireland a restoration of her domestic Legislature. Neither Canada,
Jamaica nor any other British colony can show half so good reasons for a
domestic Legislature.
TENANT-RIGHT.
The agitation for Tenant-Right in Ireland is destined to fail--in fact,
has virtually failed already. The Imperial Parliament will never concede
that right, nor will any Legislature similarly constituted. And yet the
demand has the clearest and strongest basis of natural and eternal
justice, as any fair mind must confess. What is that demand? Simply that
the creator of a new value shall be legally entitled to that value, or,
in case he is re
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