t to the power of a British
Parliament over the lives, liberties, and property of British subjects,
but the will of its members. But it is not within the competency of the
Congress of the United States, or of the Assembly of New York, to do
such a thing, the powers of these bodies being controlled and denned by
written Constitutions, which can only be altered or amended in a
prescribed manner and through prescribed and elaborate forms.

VII.

By the middle of October 1886 it became clear that Mr. George, whose
candidacy had at first been regarded with indifference by the party
managers, both Democratic and Republican, in New York, would command a
vote certainly larger than that of one of these parties, and possibly
larger than that of either of them. To put him at the head of a poll of
three parties would elect him. This was so apparent that he and his
friends, including Dr. M'Glynn and Mr. Davitt, were warranted in
expecting a victory.

It was hardly therefore by a mere coincidence that this precise time was
selected for opening the war in Ireland against Rent. It is quite
possible that if Mr. Dillon and his Parliamentary friends had been in
less of a hurry to open this war before the return of Mr. Davitt from
America, it might have been opened in a manner less "politically
stupid," if not less "morally wrong." But, of course, if Mr. Henry
George had been elected Mayor of New York, as he came so near to being
in November 1886, and Mr. Davitt had returned to Ireland with the
prestige of contributing to place him in the municipal chair of the most
important city in the New World, Mr. Dillon and his Parliamentary
friends would probably have found it necessary to accept a much less
conspicuous part in the conduct of the campaign.

It was on the 17th of October 1886 that Mr. John Dillon, M.P., first
promulgated the "Plan of Campaign" at Portumna, in a speech which was
promptly flashed under the Atlantic to New York, there to feed the
flame, already fanned by the eloquence of Dr. M'Glynn, into a blaze of
enthusiasm for the apostle of the New Gospel of Confiscation.

Had the "Plan of Campaign" then been met by the highest local authority
of the Catholic Church in Ireland, as Henry George's doctrine of
Confiscation was met in New York by Archbishop Corrigan, it might never
have been necessary to issue the Papal Decree of April 1888. But while
the Bishop of Limerick unhesitatingly denounced the "Plan of Campaign"
as "po