astern sections. Many, but by no
means all, of the Quakers opposed the Civil War and, after peace came,
opposed the men who had been prominent in the War, that is, the dominant
party. In spite of the social stigma attaching to Republicanism, many of
the Quakers have persisted in their membership in that party to the
present day. In all the seceding States there was a Union element in
1861, and, while most of the men composing it finally went into the War
with zeal, there were individuals who resisted stoutly During the War
they were abused without stint, but this criticism had only the effect
of making them more stubborn. They naturally became Republicans after
the War and furnished some of the votes which made Reconstruction
possible. With these may be classed the few Northern men who remained in
the South after the downfall of the Reconstruction governments.

There was another class of people in the South, some of whom had been
rabid secessionists and whose Republicanism had no other foundation than
a desire for the loaves and fishes. The salaries attached to some of the
Federal offices seemed enormous at that time and, before the prohibition
wave swept the South, there were in the revenue service thousands of
minor appointments for the faithful. These deputy marshals,
"storekeepers and gaugers," and petty postmasters attempted to keep up a
local organization. The collectors of internal revenue, United States
marshals, other officers of the Federal courts, and the postmasters in
the larger towns controlled these men and therefore the state
organizations. These Federal officials broke the unanimity of the white
South, and they were supported by thousands of negroes. Some individuals
among them were shrewd politicians, but the contest was unequal from
the beginning. On one side was intelligence, backed by loyal followers
fiercely determined to rule. On the other was a leadership on the whole
less intelligent, certainly more selfish, with followers who were
ignorant and susceptible to cajolery or intimidation.

Before the downfall of the Reconstruction governments, and in the first
few years afterward, there was much intimidation of negroes who wished
to vote. Threats of loss of employment, eviction from house or
plantation, or refusal of credit were frequent. In many sections such
measures were enough, and Democrats were ordinarily chosen at the polls.
Where the negroes were in a larger majority, stronger measures were