is temporal; their religion is, in consequence
of their history, so inherent a part of the nation's life that in losing
it one would almost cease to be a Serb or a Bulgar. Their Church is as
national as that of the Armenians.[118] This may not be an ideal state
of things, but it prevailed in Spain under the Moorish oppression and in
the France of Jeanne d'Arc. During the crisis of the Great War the
churches in the West were everywhere national; and in Serbia it was
calculated that 60 per cent. of the sermons had a pronounced national
colouring....

Now with these differences between the Croat and the Serb, does it not
seem strange that the vast majority of them are for union, with a part
of this majority in favour of a reasonable decentralization? But if we
investigate the motives of the Serbs and Croats who would thwart this
union, we will see that they have nothing of that faith which, after all
these centuries, has moved the Yugoslav multitude. Some of the Serbs
wish to keep aloof on the ground that Serbia in the last hundred years
has borne the brunt of the battle--and this, whether they were or were
not faced with a more difficult situation, is acknowledged by most of
the Croats, who for that reason would never dream of wishing the more
modern Zagreb to supplant Belgrade. Those few Croats who are not for
Yugoslavia are moved by ecclesiastical prejudice or by their longing for
the privileges which the Habsburgs granted them. But those who, for
various reasons, criticize the central Government are by no means
necessarily in favour of setting up a separate one. Whatever the
impetuous Radi['c] may have said, he is out for Yugoslavia. Still one
cannot be astonished that he was sometimes misunderstood. The Zagreb
students who, towards the end of 1918, came to Svetozar Pribi[vc]evi['c]
with the request that he would let them kill the demagogue, were for
expressing in this way what Dr. Du[vs]an Popovi['c], the well-known
deputy, expressed in another. It was at the Zagreb Provincial Parliament
that he exclaimed, in the summer of 1918, that "This idea will be
victorious and therefore I say publicly, in the presence of the whole
people, that I am a Croat, a Serb and a Slovene, or, if you prefer it,
none of them but merely a Yugoslav." In 1914 when Stambouluesky, the
future Prime Minister of Bulgaria, was arrested and accused of
Serbophilism, he declared: "I am neither Bulgar or Serb; I am a
Yugoslav!" ... For at least a gener