attainable.
Such, indeed, are not the expectations expressed in the language of the
representatives of their states when in congress; but, it must be
remembered, that this is a question which has convulsed the Union, and
that, not only from a feeling of pride, added to indignation at the
interference, but from if feeling of the necessity of not yielding up
one tittle upon this question, the language of determined resistance is
in congress invariably resorted to. But these gentlemen have one
opinion for congress, and another for their private table; in the first,
they stand up unflinchingly for their slave rights; in the other, they
reason calmly, and admit what they could not admit in public. There is
no labour in the eastern states, excepting that of the rice plantations
in South Carolina, which cannot be performed by white men; indeed, a
large proportion of the cotton in the Carolinas is now raised by a _free
white_ population. In the grazing portion of these states, white labour
would be substituted advantageously, could white labour be procured at
any reasonable price.

The time will come, and I do not think it very distant, say perhaps
twenty or thirty years, when, provided America receives no check, and
these states are not injudiciously interfered with, that Virginia,
Kentucky, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, (and, eventually, but
probably somewhat later, Tennessee and South Carolina) will, of their
own accord, enrol themselves among the free states. As a proof that in
the eastern slave states the negro is not held in such contempt, or
justice toward him so much disregarded, I extract the following from an
American work:--

"An instance of the force of law in the southern states for the
protection of the slave has just occurred, in the failure of a petition
to his excellency, PM Butler, governor of South Carolina, for the pardon
of Nazareth Allen, a white person, convicted of the murder of a slave,
and sentenced to be hung. The following is part of the answer of the
governor to the petitioners:--

"`The laws of South Carolina make no distinction in cases of deliberate
murder, whether committed on a black man or a white man; neither can I.
I am not a law-maker, but the executive officer of the laws already
made; and I must not act on a distinction which the legislature might
have made, but has not thought fit to make.'

"That the crime of which the prisoner stands convicted was committed
against one