advantage,--no, not a penny. Or, if you choose to go on with a poor
pretence instead of a solid reason, and will still adhere to your cant
of commerce, you have ten thousand times more strong commercial reasons
for giving up this duty on tea than for abandoning the five others that
you have already renounced.

The American consumption of teas is annually, I believe, worth 300,000_l._
at the least farthing. If you urge the American violence as a
justification of your perseverance in enforcing this tax, you know that
you can never answer this plain question,--Why did you repeal the others
given in the same act, whilst the very same violence subsisted?--But you
did not find the violence cease upon that concession.--No! because the
concession was far short of satisfying the principle which Lord
Hillsborough had abjured, or even the pretence on which the repeal of
the other taxes was announced; and because, by enabling the East India
Company to open a shop for defeating the American resolution not to pay
that specific tax, you manifestly showed a hankering after the principle
of the act which you formerly had renounced. Whatever road you take
leads to a compliance with this motion. It opens to you at the end of
every visto. Your commerce, your policy, your promises, your reasons,
your pretences, your consistency, your inconsistency,--all jointly
oblige you to this repeal.

But still it sticks in our throats, if we go so far, the Americans will
go farther.--We do not know that. We ought, from experience, rather to
presume the contrary. Do we not know for certain, that the Americans are
going on as fast as possible, whilst we refuse to gratify them? Can they
do more, or can they do worse, if we yield this point? I think this
concession will rather fix a turnpike to prevent their further
progress. It is impossible to answer for bodies of men. But I am sure
the natural effect of fidelity, clemency, kindness in governors is
peace, good-will, order, and esteem, on the part of the governed. I
would certainly, at least, give these fair principles a fair trial;
which, since the making of this act to this hour, they never have had.

Sir, the honorable gentleman having spoken what he thought necessary
upon the narrow part of the subject, I have given him, I hope, a
satisfactory answer. He next presses me, by a variety of direct
challenges and oblique reflections, to say something on the historical
part. I shall therefore, Sir, open m