in freedom which
could not be taken away. If Senator Sebastian could come with something
of this sort from Arkansas, I, at least, should take great interest in his
case; and I believe a single individual will have scarcely done the world
so great a service. See him if you can, and read this to him; but charge
him not to make it public for the present. Write me again.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM FROM GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

ALBANY, August 1, 1863. Recvd 2 P.M.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

I ask that the draft be suspended in this State until I can send you a
communication I am preparing.

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR

WASHINGTON, D.C., August 1, 1863. 4 P.M.

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, Albany, N.Y.:

By what day may I expect your communication to reach me? Are you anxious
about any part except the city and vicinity?

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 3, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER (or whoever may be in command of the military
department with headquarters at Fort Monroe, Va.):

If Dr. Wright, on trial at Norfolk, has been or shall be convicted, send
me a transcript of his trial and conviction, and do not let execution be
done upon him until my further order.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 5,1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL BANKS:

While I very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is
quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter. I would
be glad for her to make a new constitution, recognizing the emancipation
proclamation, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the State to
which the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at it, I think it
would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system by which
the two races could gradually live themselves out of their old relation to
each other, and both come out better prepared for the new. Education
for young blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the power or
element of "contract" may be sufficient for this probationary period, and
by its simplicity and flexibility may be the better.

As an antislavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipation which
proslavery men do not have but even they have strong enough reason to
thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union, and to thus
perpetually hedge against the recur