of the third section already stricken out, a clause disabling certain
classes of rebels from holding federal offices. This amendment was
substantially the same as that previously proposed by Mr. Clark.
It was proposed to amend section four, which, as passed by the House,
simply repudiated the rebel debt, by inserting the following clause:
"The obligations of the United States incurred in
suppressing insurrection, or in defense of the Union, or for
payment of bounties or pensions incident thereto, shall
remain inviolate."
Such were the amendments to the pending measure which the majority saw
proper to propose.
At a subsequent period of the debate, Mr. Hendricks, in a speech
against the joint resolution, gave his view of the manner in which
these amendments were devised. Being spoken, in good humor, by one
whom a fellow-Senator once declared to be "the best-natured man in the
Senate," and having, withal, a certain appropriateness to this point,
his remarks are here presented:
"For three days the Senate-chamber was silent, but the discussions
were transferred to another room of the Capitol, with closed doors and
darkened windows, where party leaders might safely contend for a
political and party policy. When Senators returned to their seats, I
was curious to observe who had won and who lost in the party lottery.
The dark brow of the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark] was
lighted with a gleam of pleasure. His proposed substitute for the
third section was the marked feature of the measure. But upon the
lofty brow of the Senator from Nevada [Mr. Stewart] there rested a
cloud of disappointment and grief. His bantling, which he had named
universal amnesty and universal suffrage, which he had so often
dressed and undressed in the presence of the Senate, the darling
offspring of his brain, was dead; it had died in the caucus; and it
was left to the sad Senator only to hope that it might not be his
last. Upon the serene countenance of the Senator from Maine, the
Chairman of the Fifteen, there rested the composure of the highest
satisfaction; a plausible political platform had been devised, and
there was yet hope for his party."
On the 30th of May, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole,
proceeded in the consideration of the constitutional amendment. The
several clauses were taken up separately and in order.
Mr. Doolittle was desirous of amending the first section, relating to
the rights
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