may long preserve
our country from the necessity of another resort to them. Already
have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world
our inherent capacity to maintain our rights on one element. If the
reputation of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other,
presaging flashes of heroic enterprise assure us that nothing is wanting
to correspondent triumphs there also but die discipline and habits which
are in daily progress.

MARCH 4, 1813.

SPECIAL SESSION MESSAGE.

WASHINGTON, _May 25, 1813_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

At an early day after the close of the last session of Congress an offer
was formally communicated from His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of
Russia of his mediation, as the common friend of the United States and
Great Britain, for the purpose of facilitating a peace between them. The
high character of the Emperor Alexander being a satisfactory pledge for
the sincerity and impartiality of his offer, it was immediately
accepted, and as a further proof of the disposition on the part of the
United States, to meet their adversary in honorable experiments for
terminating the war it was determined to avoid intermediate delays
incident to the distance of the parties by a definitive provision for
the contemplated negotiation. Three of our eminent citizens were
accordingly commissioned with the requisite powers to conclude a treaty
of peace with persons clothed with like powers on the part of Great
Britain. They are authorized also to enter into such conventional
regulations of the commerce between the two countries as may be mutually
advantageous. The two envoys who, were in the United States at the time
of their appointment have proceeded to join their colleague already at
St. Petersburg.

The envoys have received another commission authorizing them to conclude
with Russia a treaty of commerce with a view to strengthen the amicable
relations and improve the beneficial intercourse between the two
countries.

The issue of this friendly interposition of the Russian Emperor and this
pacific manifestation on the part of the United States time only can
decide. That the sentiments of Great Britain toward that Sovereign will
have produced an acceptance of his offered mediation must be presumed.
That no adequate motives exist to prefer a continuance of war with the
United States to the terms on which they are willing to close it is
cer