e fully than I
have yet done, my views upon the general question presented for our
consideration.

For myself, I state at the outset that I am indisposed to the
adoption, at the present time, of any amendment of the Constitution.
To change the organic law of thirty millions of people is a measure of
the greatest importance. Such a measure should never be undertaken in
any case, or under any circumstances, without great deliberation and
the highest moral certainty that the country will be benefited by the
change. In this case, as yet, there has been no deliberation;
certainly not so far as the delegates from New York are concerned. The
resolutions of Virginia were passed on the 19th of January. New York
(her Legislature being in session) appointed her delegates on the 5th
of February. We came here on the 8th. Our delegation was not full for
a week. The amendments proposed were submitted on the 15th. It is now
the 20th of the month. We are urged to act at once without further
deliberation or delay.

To found an empire, or to make a constitution for a people, on which
so much of their happiness depends, requires the sublimest effort of
the human intellect, the greatest impartiality in weighing opposing
interests, the utmost calmness in judgment, the highest prudence in
decision. It is proposed that we shall proceed to amend in essential
particulars a Constitution which, since its adoption by the people of
this country, has answered all its needs; with a haste which to my
mind is unnecessary, not to say indecent.

Have any defects been discovered in this Constitution? I have listened
most attentively to hear those defects mentioned, if any such have
been found to exist. I have heard none. No change in the Judicial
Department is suggested. The exercise of judicial powers under the
Constitution has been satisfactory enough to the South. The Judicial
Department is to be left untouched, as I think it should be. You
propose no change in the form of the Executive or Legislative
Departments. These you leave as they were before. What you do propose
is, to place certain limitations upon the Legislative power, to
prohibit legislation upon certain important subjects, to give new
guarantees to slavery, and this, as you admit, before any person has
been injured, before any right has been infringed.

There is high authority which ought to be satisfactory to you, that of
the President of the United States, now in office, for the stat